Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 82

Major Leibusch naturally understood the key to quelling the indigenous soldiers' rebellion, so he did not hesitate to mobilize the entire cavalry regiment—three cavalry companies—and sent the 25th Bengal Infantry Regiment with artillery to Burnia, 18 miles away, by train.

Within about two hours, he and his cavalry arrived in Burnia, around 11 a.m., less than four hours after he received the telegram requesting reinforcements. However, he received bad news: the uprising in Burnia was not caused by native soldiers, but by a Chinese attack.

These Chinese arrived in Brunia by train in the middle of the night and easily took control of the unsuspecting city's train station, military camp, police station, and telegraph office. The major didn't even know who had sent him the telegram, but the telegraph machine had already been dismantled by the Chinese. The Chinese ransacked the city's vaults and took all the weapons and ammunition before heading west by train about three hours earlier.

The major couldn't wait for the arrival of the 25th Bengal Infantry Regiment and led his men in a hurried pursuit along the western railway line. West of Burnia was a dense forest, but a wide road had been carved out of the forest to build the railway, so it was not difficult for the cavalry to march along the railway line.

After passing through about 7 miles of forest, you can see large plains and farmland. The town here is called Cersey. The police in the town said that a group of soldiers did arrive here by train. They destroyed the station's telegraph machine, released the prisoners, and then left by train.

Three miles west of Cercy is Mumenji, which was also attacked by the Chinese and had its telegraph machines destroyed. However, to the major's surprise, the people of Mumenji insisted that the attackers numbered at most fifty or sixty, far fewer than the hundreds the Burnians claimed, and that they continued westward by train.

In fact, there were two railway lines at Mumenji, one heading west and the other south. The colonel could have continued the pursuit westward, but at this point he sensed something was wrong. Therefore, he only sent half a company of cavalry to continue the westward pursuit, while he himself led his men back to Burnia. When he crossed the forest again, he finally discovered traces of a large group of people emerging from it. Clearly, the Chinese had been hiding in the forest, watching them run past.

Nearly six hours had passed since the major left Burya, and the sun was beginning to set. As they were about to emerge from the forest, they heard gunfire. The major quickly spotted a sparse group of people and a red flag outside the forest; it was clearly not an Indian army flag. After a full day of pursuit, the major had lost his ability to think clearly; he only felt that he had finally captured these cunning Chinese, and therefore, without hesitation, he gave the order to charge.

This was the beginning of all the disaster. They easily broke through the group blocking the forest entrance, encountering little resistance. When the major began to realize something was wrong, the Chinese troops lying in ambush in the forest launched their attack. The cavalry, unable to charge, were like wooden targets, completely at their mercy.

Although the major and his men were very brave and refused to surrender to the Chinese, they were almost completely wiped out. After a whole day of running, their horses were exhausted due to lack of food. It was almost impossible for them to readjust their formation and fight again after the charge.

Thinking of his men who had suffered heavy casualties and his beloved horse that he had lost, Major Leibusch wished he had broken his neck instead of his leg. Just as he was feeling sorry for himself, the doctor, accompanied by several young men in British military uniforms, entered the ward. The major had no interest in paying attention to these people, but someone did speak to the wounded in the room.

"I know you are all British officers, but we will treat prisoners of war well and will not kill you or execute you with cannons. We will also treat your wounds, but you must cooperate with the doctors' treatment and our management, and accept the people's trial and education."

The others remained silent, but Major Leibusch retorted angrily to the newcomers: "On what grounds are you judging us? You have invaded the British Empire; you are the invaders. Look at the uniforms you are wearing! Aren't you ashamed? To attack our cities while wearing our uniforms is a violation of the Hague Convention."

Although the officers around Lin Xinyi were furious, Lin Xinyi stopped them. He glanced at his uniform and then calmly said to the major lying on the bed, "The Hague Convention is a binding agreement between nations in war, but our war with you is a war of resistance between the people and imperialists, colonialists, and capitalists. The Hague Convention is obviously not applicable to us."

Secondly, regarding the crimes against humanity committed by British imperialists in India, South Africa, Burma, Australia and New Zealand, Southeast Asia, and China, any form of resistance by the people is just and morally just, because resistance to tyranny is an inherent human right. For example, the British people once beheaded their king; this was the people's just cause.

Major Leibusch stared dumbfounded at the young man in front of him. He could hardly believe that such outrageous words would come from the other man's mouth. After the Victorian era, the British royal family had become the most prestigious family in the world. To humiliate such a family in front of the British was simply a provocation.

He declined to comment on the matter, though the royal family deeply resented Cromwell. Many others believed he laid the foundation for the British Empire; without him, there would be no Royal Navy, and consequently, no Great Britain as we know it today. While Cromwell beheaded the king, many in Parliament considered it the head of a tyrant.

Major Leibsch could curse Cromwell as a cruel man, but commenting on his beheading of the King would disgust both the royal family and Cromwell's supporters, as he was deliberately instigating division within Britain.

When the major remained silent, Lin Xinyi tugged at his uniform and said, "The cotton used in this uniform was grown by the Indian people, and the uniform was woven by the Indian people. Since you can wear such uniforms without shame to shoot Indian people, why should we be ashamed to wear them to fight against British imperialists and reactionaries?"

"Don't think that just because you defeated me, you can defeat the British Empire. There are many people like you with delusions, but the British Empire still ultimately triumphed. You can have your say as you please, but I'll be watching to see what happens to you." After his retort, the major closed his eyes and said nothing more.

Lin Xinyi retorted, "Perhaps no one in this world can defeat the British Empire, but the people of the British Empire can. You might as well watch and see who will ultimately win..."

After conveying his position, Lin Xinyi led his men to the next ward. Once the ward was quiet again, Captain Luo couldn't help but ask the major, "Who is this? Is he the commander of the Chinese army that defeated us?"

After a moment of silence, the major nodded and said, "He's the Champawat of Gersyan mentioned in the newspapers, but those Indians prefer to call him the White Tiger, the king of tigers..."

Chapter 287 Sir Curzon's View

The fall of Burya and the major defeat of the 16th Queen's Lancers sparked heated debate among the people of Calcutta. At this time, the middle and upper classes in Calcutta had shifted their opposition from the partition plan of Bengal to the Swadeshi movement: calling for people to unite and boycott British goods, education and administration, and advocating the establishment of India's own industry, the revival of local handicrafts and production, the establishment of national schools, and the development of rural improvement programs.

With the participation of these upper-middle-class Indians, the rallies in Kolkata grew larger and larger, and their influence began to spread from the city to the countryside, and from Bangladesh to all parts of the country. The radical wing of the Indian National Congress gradually gained control of the mass movement, while the moderates began to lose the support of the masses.

Under these circumstances, the fall of a city in the Indian interior and the defeat of the British cavalry, a symbol of Britain's invincible military power, further fueled the emotions of Indian nationalists. Even the moderates of the Congress Party, who had always advocated for pleading, couldn't help but plead with Governor Curzon, saying, "We are willing to stand with the British Empire, but the British Empire should at least give us a chance to choose sides."

The moderates' complaints are justified, even though they have always naively considered themselves subjects of the British monarch and believed that, given India's contributions to the British Empire, Indians should at least be treated the same as native subjects, or at least that they, as the upper class of India, should be treated the same as native residents.

But Indians paid a heavy price. In the 19th century, tens of millions of Indians starved to death in support of the British Empire's hegemony. Yet, in the eyes of the British, they were still just an indigenous people no different from those in other colonies. While these Indian elites had the right to travel in first-class carriages and first-class cabins in India, in other overseas colonies, Indians were discriminated against as a colored race and could only sit in third-class or second-class carriages.

The moderates believed that although they were trying to maintain the British monarch's rule in India, the British never listened to their helpful suggestions, leaving them caught in the middle. The masses complained that they only demanded obedience to British rule but could not get the British to improve any policies beneficial to India, while the British resented their meddling, making their efforts thankless and futile.

It was precisely because the British had long ignored the voices of the Indian people that more and more Indians began to resort to extreme methods to fight for Indian freedom. This also made it increasingly difficult for these well-intentioned supporters, who were trying to maintain British rule, to gain popular support.

This time, Sir Curzon, unusually, did not set aside the moderates' request. Instead, he indicated that he would give it serious consideration. This greatly boosted the moderates' confidence, as they believed that their reasonable and legal appeals were finally showing results. However, for Governor Curzon, the issue was not about creating more positions for Indians in the government, but rather how long it would take to eliminate the Chinese who had infiltrated the plains north of the Ganges, in order to deter any restless Indian nationalists.

For the British Indian government, 1905 was a disastrous year. Aside from the troubles caused by the Chinese and the partition plan for Bengal, peasant and labor movements suddenly became more frequent. Tea plantation workers in northern Bengal, farmers on indigo plantations, and workers in Calcutta and other areas were all demanding fairer treatment—reduced working hours and increased wages.

Frankly, for the British, the economic demands of these workers and peasants were actually worse than their support for national independence. After all, national independence could be easily undermined by bribing a few upper-class individuals, but satisfying the economic demands of these workers and peasants would require a real financial drain.

If these three problems had occurred separately, the British Indian government could have found solutions for each one. However, when these three problems were combined, Curzon felt that he might have no hope of salvaging his honor. His best outcome now was to maintain the status quo and then leave the mess to the next Governor-General of India.

The crux of the matter is that the once coveted position of Governor-General of India has now become a hot potato. It's not that there are no people in London who want the post, but none of them want to take over Curzon's mess. They want Curzon to restore order in India first, and then they can take up the position.

For Curzon, his current problem was no longer how to solve the problem, but how to temporarily alleviate the troubles at hand. When the Chinese appeared in Burnia, he knew that Commander-in-Chief Kitchener's second offensive plan had failed. Even though he had little military experience, based on the results of the Afghan War, he could tell that retreating from the mountains at this point would inevitably lead to another disaster.

However, if they didn't withdraw their troops from the mountains, how to deal with the Chinese in Burya became another problem. At this time, dissenting voices finally emerged within the British Indian Army, allowing Curzon to directly intervene in military affairs. Previously, the Governor-General of India could only issue orders to the army, not directly instruct it on internal affairs. This was a significant improvement in the system after India's transition from being under the jurisdiction of the East Indies to being under national control.

Of course, if it weren't for Lord Kitchener's two defeats at Darjeeling, the army wouldn't have dared to challenge the Commander-in-Chief's authority. Lord Kitchener's ability to lead the Indian army and promote his envisioned military reforms was not only due to London's support, but more importantly, to his genuine military achievements. Under the aura of this war hero, Indian officers simply lacked the confidence to resist.

Setting aside the failure of the Tibet expedition, which was strictly led by Sir Curzon and Colonel Jan Hasburn, Lord Kitchener shouldn't bear too much responsibility. However, the two failed attacks on Darjeeling did require the Lord to take responsibility. Given these results, officers dissatisfied with the Lord naturally questioned his command abilities.

After listening to the officers' opinions, Curzon also felt that Lord Kitchener's new plan was too conservative. The Commander-in-Chief intended not to hastily withdraw from Darjeeling to avoid unbearable casualties. However, not withdrawing from the mountains would necessitate diverting new troops to encircle and suppress the Chinese in Burnia, which was actually not inherently problematic.

Previously, the British Indian Army had been short-handed because it needed to deploy local troops to fight near or even beyond the border, and the main force of the Indian Army—the cavalry—was not being used. Now that the Chinese have come to the Indian plains themselves, it is possible to mobilize local troops for encirclement and suppression.

However, Lord Kitchener advocated: first secure the area west of the Gosi River and the south bank of the Ganges east of Naugachiyah, then send an army across the Ganges to join forces with the Siliguri army, using the Gettihar-Siliguri railway line as a base, to sweep from east to west until the west bank of the Gosi River, forcing the Chinese to be unable to stay on the Indian plains.

However, other officers opposed such a large-scale plan. They advocated immediately conscripting Bengal cavalry to cross the river, then directly seizing Burya, followed by infantry to set up defenses along the railway line. They proposed using the cavalry as a hammer and the railway line as an anvil to crush the Chinese on the Indian plains.

These officers had a valid reason: "The purpose of building the railway line was precisely to quickly suppress local rebellions. Now, abandoning the convenience of the railway and instead adopting a gradual advance and sweeping strategy, isn't that telling those Indians that we actually don't have the ability to deal with that man-eating monster with the same number of troops, so we can only suppress him through numerical superiority? In terms of numbers, don't the Indians outnumber us?"

After listening for a while, Sir Curzon decided to support the officers' proposal and planned to appoint General Robert Cunliffe Lowe as commander-in-chief of the expedition and investigate Lieutenant Colonel Sir John Townsend as his deputy. Lord Kitchener could prevent Sir Curzon from giving instructions on internal military decisions, but he could not prevent such an appointment, which was precisely within Curzon's power as Governor-General of India.

However, he harbored deep dissatisfaction with Curzon's appointment. After everyone else left the meeting room, he angrily accused Curzon, "Your appointment is simply a desperate gamble. Sir Law is experienced, but he is too old to withstand the high-intensity continuous combat. And Lieutenant Colonel Townsend is nothing but a playboy; he has no ability to command troops at all."

Their opponent is a cunning and powerful monster; I don't think a thousand or two thousand cavalry could take him down. If he were to cross the Kosi or Ganges, not only would Bengal be in chaos, but even Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh would be thrown into turmoil. You're gambled with India's future. The priority now is to confine the fighting to the area east of the Kosi and north of the Ganges, not to expect to wipe out the Chinese in a single battle…”

Curzon remained unmoved as Lord Kitchener spoke animatedly. Only after the man quieted down slightly did he slowly say, "News has come from London that they intend to send a force to reinforce India's defenses. Therefore, my task now is to make one last effort before this army arrives."

I think you should know what London's intentions are in sending this force. Your so-called safe plan is unlikely to be accepted by London. Even if I support you now, they will revise the plan once the army arrives.

This was a devastating blow, leaving Lord Kitchener completely stunned. The news from London at this time meant that he and Sir Curzon would likely soon be forced to leave India. Of course, he could understand the thinking of some in London, but their actions wouldn't solve anything; they would only give the Chinese more opportunities.

Sir Curzon sighed and said, "Anyway, since things have already come to this, another failure won't make our situation any worse. But if we're lucky enough to succeed, at least we can go back with some dignity..."

Chapter 288 Conversation inside the club

The British opened many clubs in Calcutta as a form of entertainment for the British in India, but also to maintain British social and cultural identity and prevent them from being assimilated by Indian society and culture. Before American independence, the British were unable to distinguish themselves from the local white population, which led to the birth of the United States.

This British leisure style quickly attracted the attention of the Indian elites who served Britain. As a region that was traditionally conquered by foreign civilizations, it was an instinctive behavior for the Indian elites to try to absorb foreign civilizations in order to prevent being eliminated. Those local elites who tried to resist foreign civilizations would eventually become the untouchable class.

When the British became the masters of the Indian subcontinent, India's elites naturally began to admire the British lifestyle, just as they had previously believed that a Muslim lifestyle was the way of the upper class. However, the core circle of British rule in India consisted of numerous clubs, which naturally wouldn't accept these Indian elites. After all, in the eyes of the British, even the most outstanding Indian elites were nothing more than their servants.

While constantly pleading with the British to grant them the right to join British clubs, Indians also began to form their own clubs. Although these clubs were not as sporty as the British ones, most of India's upper class were not fond of sports because they had too many servants to take care of their lives.

Therefore, the upper classes in India eventually developed yoga as a relatively safe and non-strenuous form of exercise. Polo, a sport that the British were enthusiastic about, originated in Central Asia and was popular in Manipur, but it became a British sport that the British promoted to the world, and even the rules of the game were set by the British.

However, as more and more Indian elites who had returned from studying in Britain joined these English clubs, sports such as cricket and tennis finally began to spread among the Indian upper class. These English clubs were no longer just for show; they transformed from places where businessmen discussed business and politicians exchanged interests into places where people could actually have some entertainment.

After returning to his home country, Sri Aurobindo Gossa left Calcutta, but he still found it a pleasure to find friends and new acquaintances to exercise with in these clubs. Upon returning to Calcutta, he reduced his visits to the clubs, feeling he had more important things to do.

However, after returning from Darjeeling, he resumed his habit of going to clubs, and tried his best to participate in activities at clubs with a large number of military and government officials. Although the British excluded Indians from their clubs, there were also hierarchies within the British society. Those of noble birth and commoner birth simply did not mingle together. Those British people excluded from the mainstream were not treated as well as Indian people in British clubs, so quite a few British people chose to join Indian clubs.

Although most decisions were made by the higher-ups, the actual implementation was carried out by the middle and lower levels. After all, the officials wouldn't do things themselves, such as printing or distributing documents. These British members of the Indian Club couldn't keep secrets from the officials; they always needed to say something different to maintain their power and position.

Therefore, Aurobindo received quite a bit of bad news from the Englishmen who came to the club. Of course, what was bad news for the Englishmen was good news for the Indians. On this particular day, he went to the club at his usual time and happened to see a newly acquainted English friend. This friend had only been in India for a short time. After playing billiards for a while, the friend regretfully told him that he would probably not be able to come to the club for quite some time.

Aurobindo, holding his golf club, asked with some surprise why. His new friend replied somewhat dejectedly, "My 8th King George's Light Cavalry Regiment has received orders to go to war in India during the rainy season. This is really terrible."

Aurobindo suppressed his excitement and said calmly, "Indeed, deploying cavalry during the rainy season in Bengal is no easy task. But was the 16th Lancer Regiment really wiped out in Burnia? How many Chinese actually came?"

This friend frankly confided in him, "It's not true that the 16th Lancer Regiment was completely wiped out, but it's true that almost none of the cavalry companies that were dispatched returned."

There was chaos in Gettihar. Some said there were thousands of Chinese, others said there were at least tens of thousands, or that the area north and west of Gettihar had been occupied by the Chinese. They kept demanding that troops be transferred from all sides to defend them, otherwise Gettihar could not be held.

However, Phopitiyashi and Phobusgenj, who live closer to Nepal to the north, said their area was very quiet and they hadn't seen any Chinese people at all. Biharigenj and Naugachiyashi, who live closer to the Ganges River, also said they hadn't seen any Chinese people, although many residents of Serhsar and Mumengyi had come to their area, indicating that these places had indeed been attacked by Chinese.

Even more bizarrely, some people claimed to have spotted Chinese people in villages along the south bank of the Ganges. In short, cities along the Ganges were requesting reinforcements from Calcutta. If these reports are true, then there must be tens of thousands of Chinese people among them.

In my opinion, the battle with the Chinese isn't the real concern; it's this panic that's the worst thing. If things continue like this, we'll be surrounded by Chinese; how can we possibly win with just one or two cavalrymen then?

Aurobindo expressed his understanding to his friend and subtly inquired about his departure date, the troops involved, and other information. Upon returning, he immediately mobilized his intelligence team to verify this information, and within two days he obtained a highly accurate deployment plan.

In his rented newspaper office, he said to Jadin and the others, "Now we need to pass the message to Lin so that he knows how the British want to deal with him."

Some young men excitedly asked Aurobindo, "Does Lin really have as many troops as the newspapers say? Can they defeat the British army?"

After reflecting on what he had seen and heard on the mountain, Aurobindo solemnly told the young men, "Lin has about a few thousand men, but he can't possibly bring all of them down the mountain. Therefore, the size of the army in Burnia should not be as exaggerated as the newspapers say."

Hearing this answer, some of the young men were somewhat discouraged, but Aurobindo quickly said, "But you don't need to worry. Lin brought less than a battalion of troops from Hubei to Tibet, but he still relied on the strength of the Tibetans to defeat Colonel Yanghasben. In the Shannan region, he relied on the locals to defeat the Nepalese army and Lieutenant Colonel Mellis. I believe that Lin will create another miracle, but he also needs our help."

Hearing Aurobindo's words, the young men were immediately invigorated. One by one, they expressed their willingness to deliver the message. At this moment, Jadin spoke up: "I think we should not only deliver messages, but also send some reliable comrades to join Lin's troops. Previously, we couldn't send people to join and learn how to fight because it was difficult to reach the mountains. But now Lin's troops are on the plains north of the Ganges, and the British can no longer prevent us from contacting them. This is a good opportunity to go and learn from Lin how to fight the British. The liberation of India is not only Lin's responsibility, it is also our responsibility..."

Jadin's proposal garnered support from the young people present, and even Aurobindo found it reasonable, saying, "I agree with Jadin's view. At this time, we cannot only focus on the development of legal organizations; we should also begin to establish an armed force. Under British rule, we could never establish our own legal armed forces, but with Lin, we can..."

After some discussion, the group decided to send Jadin with 27 secret members of the Juganda to Burnia, partly to deliver intelligence and partly to join Lin's forces in the armed struggle for Indian independence.

As the situation in India changed, the situation in China also changed dramatically. With the weather improving, the Russians launched an offensive from Kulun and Tannu Uriankhai towards Kobdo and Uliastai. The Russians believed that there were few Chinese people in these areas, and that once the local Mongols accepted Russian rule, they could easily expel the Chinese officials.

Therefore, the Russians, acting on the orders of the Tsar and the Living Buddha of Kulun, demanded that the Mongols of Outer Mongolia pledge allegiance to the Russian Empire, not the Qing Empire, and launched an attack on both regions under the guise of liberators. During the Qing Dynasty, Uliastai, located in the upper reaches of the Zavhan River in the Great Lake Basin of western Outer Mongolia, was the political center of Outer Mongolia; Kobdo and Kulun were merely two secondary centers, managed by the Assistant Minister.

The Russians' investigation of Outer Mongolia was indeed correct. Although Uliastai is the central city of Outer Mongolia, the region's population growth has been slow due to its arid climate. Although it remains the most populous area in Outer Mongolia, it is difficult to compare with inland cities because there is limited room for development.

Except during the Dzungar War, the garrison in Uliastai once exceeded 6. After the Jiaqing Emperor, the garrison in Uliastai was reduced to only a few thousand, and most of them were Mongolians who combined military and pastoral duties. The only truly professional troops were 224 Han Chinese Green Standard Army soldiers, 200 Mongolian guides, and 50 Eight Banner soldiers.

Faced with the overwhelming force of the Russian and Kulun cavalry, numbering approximately 3000, though the Russians comprised only one-sixth of the force, General Kuishun stationed in Uliastai immediately communicated with his deputy, the Mongol prince Cheden Sonam. This prince declared he would never betray the Qing Dynasty and quickly mobilized surrounding Mongol herders for defense. Although the Russians were formidable, they lacked the support of the Sanyin Noyan tribe of Uliastai, and the Kulun Mongol soldiers they had coerced were unwilling to fight the Sanyin Noyan, resulting in a temporary stalemate.

As for Kobdo, the Russian cavalry of Tannu Uriankhai were already unpopular. After the Minister of State for Counseling, Ruixun, took office in Kobdo, he began to implement new policies and recruited nearly 10,000 Kazakhs who had been oppressed by the Russians from Altay to cultivate land and graze livestock. As a result, when the Russian cavalry attacked Kobdo, they were met with a joint attack from the Mongols and Kazakhs and were driven back.

The setbacks in Outer Mongolia were a great embarrassment for the Russians. However, the Russians believed that this was not a problem with the combat effectiveness of the Russian army, but rather that the lack of transportation and supplies in Outer Mongolia prevented the Russian army from exerting its full strength. Therefore, the Russians attempted to launch an attack on Inner Mongolia and the Shanhaiguan area, and demanded that the British allow them to use the railways inside and outside the Great Wall.

Chapter 289 Favorable and Unfavorable

The British would certainly not agree to such a rash request from the Russians. Even if Britain were truly neutral, it would be impossible for them to allow the Russians to use the railways inside and outside the Great Wall to transport troops. This would mean that anyone could use war as an excuse to seize the property of the British Empire.

However, the British were well aware that the Russians dared to make such a demand because British India had caused too much trouble. They had just claimed to have recaptured Darjeeling, but the next moment war broke out on the Indian plains. The British army's image was largely destroyed in the Boer War, and the remaining half was destroyed in British India.

Amidst the relentless investigations by various countries, and due to the repeated defeats of the British army, suspicions arose that China possessed a convenient route to the Tibetan Plateau. If such a route truly existed, the situation in East and South Asia would drastically change. However, the investigations revealed that while the Chinese had begun expelling missionaries venturing into the Kham region, these missionaries also brought back conclusive information: there was no shortcut to Tibet from Sichuan or Yunnan.

Moreover, the Chinese army stationed in Tibet could not have exceeded 1000 troops, which means that the British defeat was indeed due to their own insufficient combat capabilities. Even the Russians were no longer as arrogant as before, which is why they attempted to mobilize troops through the railways inside and outside the Great Wall to attack Shanhaiguan and advance into the interior from this main route.

However, the Russians' actions were essentially a blatant slap in the face to the British. London directly ordered two battleships, the Old Star, to move to the waters off Yantai, issuing a silent warning to the Russians. This tough stance by Britain was meant to tell all the major powers not to attempt to challenge the dignity of the British Empire; even if British India encountered some minor trouble, the Royal Navy was not to be trifled with.

However, under these circumstances, Japan became weak, advocating for peace and suggesting a peaceful resolution to the Manchurian and Outer Mongolian issues. The main reason for Japan's shift from hardline to soft was that the Russians did not mobilize their main forces in Manchuria to attack the interior regions. A large number of troops transported from Europe were stationed in Manchuria, which prevented the Japanese army from launching surprise attacks.

Under these circumstances, the Japanese leadership believed that if Japan followed Britain in taking a tough stance, it might force Russia to back down on the issues of Outer Mongolia and Manchuria. Therefore, in order not to frighten the Russians, Japan tended to adopt a conciliatory approach.

For Russia, it was impossible to back down from this war, as its purpose was to divert domestic attention. Retreating without achieving significant victories would only exacerbate internal conflicts. Therefore, they needed to occupy Manchuria and Outer Mongolia to force the Qing government to acknowledge this fact.

The Russian Minister of War believed that attacking Outer Mongolia would clearly not achieve this goal. Even if Russia could occupy the entire Outer Mongolian region, without legal support, it would mean that Russia would need to station a large number of troops in Outer Mongolia to ensure that the Chinese would not attack. The failures in the attacks on Uliastai and Kobdo also proved one thing: without separating the Mongols from the Chinese, they could not rule this land.

In order to gain legitimacy in ruling Outer Mongolia and Manchuria, and to prevent Japan, Britain, and the United States from coveting the Manchurian region, the Russians decided to turn their attention to Beijing, as only an attack on Beijing could force the Qing government to recognize a Russian victory. However, Britain's refusal to allow Russia to use the railways inside and outside the Great Wall also forced Russia to make compromises.

The elites in St. Petersburg believed that while the British Army's fighting strength was not particularly formidable, the Royal Navy's power was unquestionable. Moreover, as Britain's ally, Japan would inevitably join the fight should Russia and Britain clash. Considering that the Russian Pacific Fleet was stationed on both sides of the Korean Peninsula, if Japan were to blockade the Korean Strait, the Russian Pacific Fleet would be doomed.

As for Russia's Baltic and Black Sea fleets, they were completely unable to navigate the Mediterranean and North Sea regions controlled by the British Royal Navy. Therefore, the Russian Navy believed that if a conflict were to break out with Britain, Russia's naval power would inevitably suffer defeat. They firmly opposed the idea of ​​a conflict between Russia and Britain over a railway issue, deeming it utterly foolish.

The Russian army wasn't opposed to conflict with the British. After all, during the Eight-Nation Alliance invasion, Russian looting of railway construction sites inside and outside China led to clashes between the two armies, resulting in the deaths of several Russian soldiers at the hands of the British—a humiliation the Russians had never forgotten. However, the Russian army also agreed with the navy that provoking the British before resolving the border demarcation issue with China would be unwise.

If a conflict with the British were to actually occur, it would be worthwhile to open a passage to the Indian Ocean for the empire in the Persian region; it would be far too unworthy to sacrifice the right to use a railway.

As a result, the Russians began to conscript people, livestock, and carts from the Northeast to build roads and transport supplies for them. This action further exacerbated the conflict between the local residents and the Russians, and spontaneous anti-Russian armed forces began to emerge. Local officials who had previously prohibited the people from resisting foreigners were driven away by the Russians, which gave these armed groups the opportunity to control the area.

In the Zhili Governor-General's Office in Tianjin, during Li Hongzhang's time, the Zhili Governor-General's Office was located in Baoding, while the Tianjin side was the Governor-General's Office. After the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance, the Governor-General's Office became the Governor-General's Office of the Eight-Nation Alliance to govern Tianjin. Yuan Shikai, who succeeded as the Governor-General of Zhili, established the Governor-General's Office in the Coastal Defense Office in Hebei District. After the Governor-General's Office was abolished, Yuan Shikai simply abolished the Governor-General's Office in Baoding and the original Governor-General's Office in Tianjin, and directly used the Coastal Defense Office as the Governor-General's Office.

Yuan Shikai had his reasons for doing this. The south bank of the Haihe River had been occupied by various countries, and Tianjin could only develop Hebei if it wanted to develop. Moreover, after the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance, Tianjin had become the gateway to Beijing. The Zhili Governor-General's Office was located in Baoding. So, was it the Zhili Governor-General who was protecting Beijing, or Beijing who was protecting the Zhili Governor-General?

But Yuan Shikai had only just begun, before he could even fully unleash his power, when the Russians were about to attack again. This time, Yuan Shikai summoned his subordinates and made his stance clear: "Although we have been extremely tolerant, the Russians are still insatiable. They have occupied Manchuria and Outer Mongolia this time, so won't they demand Inner Mongolia and Shaanxi tomorrow?"

Besides, the Beiyang Army is based in Zhili and Shandong. If we lose Zhili, what's the point of being the Governor-General of Zhili? Without this position, where will the Beiyang Army's funding come from? So this battle has reached a point where it's unavoidable. If we don't fight, everyone might as well disband and go home to farm.

Feng Guozhang was the first to respond to Yuan Shikai's call and stepped forward, saying, "We really can't back down any further. If we keep backing down, the Beiyang government will really be ruined. I am obeying my superiors. If we don't shed some blood at this time, the people will really think of us as traitors."

Feng Guozhang's words were not without reason. Ever since Wuhan exposed Li Hongzhang's dark secrets, the Huai Army had been branded as a traitorous force of Han traitors. Faced with this trend of public opinion, the Manchus were actually happy to see it happen. The infighting between Wuhan and Tianjin at least ensured their safety. Moreover, many Manchus felt that what Wuhan said was true; wasn't the current decline of the Qing Dynasty a direct result of Li Hongzhang's treason?

The imperial court spent so much money building the Beiyang Fleet and even embezzled funds meant for the Nanyang Fleet, only to suffer a crushing defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War. This led to the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki and the imposition of indemnities. Furthermore, the introduction of the Russians into Manchuria directly resulted in the Qing Dynasty losing control of the region. Following the Boxer Rebellion and the subsequent Southeast Mutual Protection Pact, the signing of the Boxer Protocol further weakened the nation. Meanwhile, the Li family amassed a vast fortune, claiming that half of Anhui province belonged to them. Rong Hong once stated that the Li family's assets amounted to approximately 4000 million taels of silver.

With the Qing Dynasty on the verge of collapse, the Manchus were naturally indignant that a group of Han Chinese lackeys were profiting from the spoils. From a common-sense perspective, even when dividing the family fortune, it should go to the descendants first, not the steward. Therefore, when the Li Hongzhang family was being heavily criticized in Wuhan, not only did no one defend them, but they also surprisingly echoed the arguments of these traitorous officials.

Li Hongzhang's descendants were naturally terrified, because Anhui was too close to Hubei, and no one knew what the future held. However, they were unwilling to sell their ancestral property and flee abroad. Therefore, they could only spend lavishly to defend Li Hongzhang, arguing that everything he did was for the country and could not be slandered by a group of petty people. As the saying goes, "You don't know Li Hongzhang when you're young, but you know the true Grand Secretary when you're old."

The only reason Li Hongzhang's descendants could spend money to whitewash their ancestor was because Li Hongzhang was already dead. A dead man can't be accused of treason, so people had to dredge up old grievances. However, old grievances can be altered, given the precedent of the Siku Quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries). Anyone aspiring to be emperor couldn't help but praise Li Hongzhang, because for an emperor, there was no better lackey than Li Hongzhang. He abandoned his country, his people, and his ancestors, pledging allegiance to one person. Didn't he deserve the emperor's praise?

The Li family descendants' thinking is correct. Even if they can't overturn the verdict today, once China falls or returns to peace, there will always be an emperor who will support them in overturning the verdict. This is probably the wisdom of Confucianism.

However, the remaining Beiyang clique of the Huai Army is not an option. They are still alive, and we cannot overturn the verdict. The people are watching their actions closely. If they say one thing and do another, they will inevitably be abandoned by the people.

Duan Qirui wholeheartedly agreed, saying, "Indeed, we have no choice but to fight. Not only are the people watching us, but even Wuhan is watching us. They are providing equipment to the Yi Army on the grounds of unity against foreign aggression. If we back down now, Wuhan will have even more to say."

Yang Shiqi said dismissively, "Wuhan is just putting on an act. They provide equipment but send the Yi Army to their deaths. Who wouldn't do that kind of deal? Not to mention they've taken the opportunity to control Henan. Now the Henan governor's orders can't even cross the Lu-Han border. It's utterly ridiculous."

Although Yang Shiqi's words were extreme, those present largely agreed with them. Wuhan's actions were clearly an attempt to win over the Yi Army, but the problem was that they were reluctant to let the Beiyang Army provide such equipment to arm the Yi Army. However, at this moment, Yuan Shikai noticed Yang Shixiang's thoughtful expression and couldn't help but ask, "Lord Lian, what are you thinking about?"

Yang Shixiang woke up with a start, clasped his hands in apology to Yuan Shikai, and then said, "I was thinking about whether to follow or oppose."

Yuan Shikai found this strange and pressed for an answer, asking, "What is meant by 'following' or 'opposing'?"

Yang Shixiang glanced at everyone and said, “In the midst of the chaos in Wuhan, from the perspective of the imperial court, it is natural to follow the right path and punish the rebellious. However, now Wuhan is attacking the late Li Wenzhong Gong, turning the Huai clique into traitors. Therefore, in the eyes of the people, they are the ones who are following the right path, and we are the ones who are rebelling.”

Yuan Shikai and the others: "..."